Dear guests, friends, guests, delegates and delegates , dear comrades and loved ones mates, we return to Rimini after four years together to celebrate the fifteenth national congress of the CGIL. We have behind us months and months of debates, discussions, debates tightened. 55,000 assemblies in workplaces, and places in the leagues of pensioners. An investment of more than 1,600,000 people, including registered and enrolled in the CGIL and a presence in the vote almost equally high. We met so many young people in recent months for the first time in their often precarious working conditions and living so many migrants, those more fortunate, which has a regular job back dignity and social identity, many old and older to whom the time has not lessened either the passion or the will to act. This is the CGIL, the largest Italian trade unions, and among the first in Europe, this is his face: a community of men and women who freely associate, discuss, act and decide to give dignity and rights to people, and give strength to the values \u200b\u200bof solidarity and social justice. Here, before the numbers - in this passion and these ideals - lies the true strength of the CGIL. A peaceful organization, reliable, firm in his principles, open to discussion and dialogue with tutti.Noi, filled the Circus Maximus in an extraordinary day of spring. On 23 March 2002 is - even symbolically, and for the things said by Sergio Cofferati in that square - the highest political moment in the history of the country, della centralità del lavoro, dei suoi diritti, della sua dignità. Insieme con quei cinque milioni di firme raccolte in pochi mesi in ogni angolo d’Italia. Noi, con tante e tanti altri, soprattutto giovani, abbiamo manifestato per la pace e contro la guerra in Iraq, tappezzato i balconi di bandiere e colori, cambiato la fotografia delle città e quella delle coscienze. Noi, insieme a studenti e famiglie, ci siamo battuti per un’idea laica e universale dell’istruzione pubblica, per affermare il diritto allo studio e un uguale diritto alla formazione. Noi – insieme con Cisl e Uil –in una Piazza del Popolo già pronta per il Natale del 2004 abbiamo organizzato la più grande manifestazione dei lavoratori migranti that Italy has ever had. Us in recent days - finally - we were soul in Milan and Naples an extraordinary act of love towards life and towards donne.C 'is a deep bond that holds our critique of labor laws, school and immigration. Each of these laws, beyond the individual rules or institutions that make up the text, reaffirms, in the form of ideology, an explicit attack on the rights of persons and the dignity of each person. In recent weeks, a delegate of Senegal, speaking at its congress said in a calm and very firm that was tired of being a "necessary evil" asked only to be regarded as a man. In another conference, I was impressed and I must say also excited to listen to another delegate, always a country of Africa, which questioned before that conference on how to stop the decline of Italy. All this made me think about how short-sighted and does not recognize the right of citizenship from birth, children of migrant workers who were born in Italy, knowing that if the first generation - as was the case for the Italians in the world - tend to return places of origin, while the second and even more the other end to stay where they were born and where he made would be fair to consider them equal in rights and duties. This equality should affirm the Constitutional Treaty europeo, risolvendo, una volta per tutte e in modo moderno, la vecchia questione sull’origine del diritto alla cittadinanza. Dove va l’Europa; il Mediterraneo, la “ guerra di civiltà”E’ per tante ragioni come queste che l’Europa oggi vive una situazione di difficoltà ed è soprattutto priva di una prospettiva certa. La crisi del grande disegno dei padri fondatori, lo smarrirsi della cultura politica che ne sosteneva il progetto, gli effetti sociali della situazione economica si riflettono nella realtà dei nostri giorni: un’Europa sospesa tra integrazione più avanzata e ritorni nazionalistici, tra chi apre i mercati e chi li chiude, tra grandi ambizioni e poco peso effettivo, fra logica burocratica and the one linked to the democratic mandate: among the most closely aligned with the broadest, the one with the euro and the one with the many national currencies. The difficult negotiations on the budget, the dark future of the Constitutional Treaty, the irrelevance on the international and foreign policy, the lack of coherence between the Lisbon objectives and means employed, the asymmetry that exists between the desire to acquire businesses elsewhere and not be subject to "climb" in his country, would be the consequences inevitabili.Per all those who see Europe as a space for the free market and free trade all of this can - although not always in reality - not a problem: if consolidates the intergovernmental method and simplified procedures and reference standards. For those who do - and we, the Italian and European Union are among these - instead they believe that Europe should be a real political and institutional construction, a regulated market with shared norms, common institutions and full reciprocity, a process of participation and democracy, a social model, an idea of \u200b\u200bliability based on the rights of people, a common area for many many values \u200b\u200band ideals, from those already present in its history two thousand years, Europe as a home where all citizens can feel, and not only producers and consumers should instead ask what you can and should be done to overcome an inertia that inevitably would lead us back. The CGIL - say it with force and conviction - was never in its history, nationalist or protectionist, nor has ever believed the myth that the market was not regulated by rules and institutions. To this day, faced with the choices we do not need the French government - like many unrepentant liberal - to rediscover the role of public responsibility, and seek the protection of Italian companies. We continue to think that it takes a real mutual European market. And for Italy an industrial policy to promote and grow our businesses face. Restart the political process is the institutional interest of the governments who believe in this regard and should be for the European Trade Union Confederation. It takes a lot of political will, institutional and social passion. Not sufficient to guide a country to take the lead locomotive, in between an election and one that ends it expects, nor to the necessary range of enhanced cooperation which is always preferable to doing nothing. We must give consent, a soul to the European project among the people. The thinking time let's use as set by the European Council, as the European Union and as a national trade unions, for a mobilization campaign for a real European Constitution, which contains the principles and values \u200b\u200bof first and second parts of the Treaty, and to delete them - because extraneous matter to a constitutional - that third party so dissonant from the other, thus responding to some of the criticisms that led to NO in the referendum in France and Holland. Also in this field, our government has great responsibility. Europe was seen only as the cause of most ills and opportunities, no real European industrial integration has been attempted; mocked the Euro, the Commission judged that says that the Ecofin on our budget deficit and its increasing . And if the minister Tremonti is inspired by Colbert and protectionism, it did not proceed to complain about the titles of the country where Colbert is born and has left marks of up to nowadays. Nel Mediterraneo, verso i paesi dell’altra sponda e del Medioriente, l’Italia ha perso quel ruolo di dialogo intelligente che ha svolto per decenni. L’onorevole Calderoli ne è l’ultimo, più clamoroso, e delicato esempio. Per lo sviluppo dei paesi più poveri destiniamo quasi zero, lo 0,1 del Pil: siamo insieme i meno generosi ed i meno accoglienti, pur stando di fronte a noi l’Africa, il continente dimenticato, il più povero fra i due miliardi di esseri umani che vivono con meno di due dollari al giorno. Quando nel 1995 si avviò il processo di Barcellona per definire nel 2010 l’area di libero scambio, l’obiettivo dichiarato era quello di fare del Mediterraneo un mare di pace e prosperità, bridge of dialogue between cultures, a metaphor for civilization that recognize and respect each other. "Our sea" is the theater of all the contradictions that are today in the world: wealth and poverty, forced migration, the many wars and open those that are advertised, ethnic conflicts, terrorism fueled by religious fundamentalists who take root in water Poverty and social frustration. And among all the more difficult issue: reciprocity, the full recognition of rights and freedom, coexistence, and coexistence of different cultures within our society and the relationship between the West and Islam. The Mediterranean is thus the test for the international community and Europe in confront these challenges. The problems tend to become every day more difficult and more threads. The victory of Hamas sounds like defeat of politics, not what he was able to build over the past decades, the goal of two peoples and two Stati.La situation in Iraq day after day gives more reason to what was said and feared even before the CGIL, the risk of civil war, the accentuation of religious fundamentalism and terrorism, the complete destabilization of the area. The new leadership of Iran stops workers who strike, denies the Holocaust, can make up the voltage to a point of no return. Islamic Fundamentalism continues to expand under the surface and feeding strategy of the war between civilizations, and between religions. For the CGIL is now the time for politics - from Europe - to return to the field with a strategy that addresses the problems in the right way: it reduces the tension between Israelis and Palestinians should focus here on two-fold effort to force Hamas to recognize Israel, to combat the use of terrorism and Israel not to back the peace process, not isolating, exhausting and humiliating the Palestinians. The UN will continue its pressure on the Syrian government and control over the situation in Lebanon, is pressed with the right tools on Iran, instruct him to feel the weight of condemnation of comunità internazionale, e si trovino le strade per abbassare la tensione e allontanare i rumori di guerra. L’Italia ritiri le sue truppe dall’Iraq. Si cerchino altre soluzioni per accompagnare una definitiva autodeterminazione da parte del popolo e del governo iracheni. Soprattutto dobbiamo tenere fermi i valori in cui crediamo. Se un giornale pubblica una vignetta offensiva nei confronti della religione, la responsabilità ricade sul giornale. In questo caso non c’entrano i governi né tantomeno i popoli. Se un ministro sbaglia, risponde il governo e al governo bisogna chiederne conto, senza incendiare e devastare sedi e ambasciate. Non va tollerata l’uccisione di preti cattolici in Turchia o di fedeli in Nigeria. E naturalmente non va did the opposite in the name of equal and mutual respect between religions and between believers. Herein lies the true determination it takes. In defending this faith in democracy, the values \u200b\u200bof freedom and individual responsibility everywhere, in the rights contained in the Charter of the United Nations. Saying once again, in the most high, that terrorism must be eradicated, that the war, in addition to not solve problems, makes the bill for the most vulnerable to those who have responsibilities, that torture can never be justified and all prisoners be treated according to international conventions. Our conference globally, dear comrades, the vote of the members gave a virtual consensus target background, the watchwords of our Congress. One unit of assessment operates on a very confident and very proud of belonging. "Redesigning the country" for us means first making available to all political parties, coalitions, institutions, business associations and social network analysis on our country and our proposals for reform. Our friends and comrades of the CISL and UIL know and to share the one hand, they are also the result of a joint work of research that has seen us working together, nationally and in our cities and regions. In the years after the division on the Pact for Italy, we have taken the effort of all cards in a single work, the that led us to the platform the euro, which has seen us together in the general strikes to demand a change in economic policy choices and social government that unity that made us take out more than 400 regional agreements, and that made it possible to renew all contracts of employment in the public and private sectors, and finally that of the metalworkers. A country poised Redesign the country starting from the work, by rights, and freedom from knowledge depends also on trial concerned and alarmed about the state of the country, on the condition of the majority of our citizens, the state of public ethics, on how his institutions, and in a word, the future of Italy. Do not believe that ours is a review driven by a prejudice, ideological and partisan. When one of the first, in late 2000, we feel the country on the risk of its industrial decline, many shrugged. There were controversies and accusations. As we recall, there were those who told us that in fact, Italy was on the eve of a new economic miracle, and someone coined a neologism, we can say really unlucky, "turbosviluppo. In fact it was in 1996 that Italy had begun to lose share in world industrial, and even then it was clear that was not only "guilt" of China or the euro, since France and Germany did not share our same fate. Since then the situation has worsened, especially for action and responsibility for the choices of government. This morning came the news that we wanted: our GDP is zero tondo.Mentre we are in this situation, Germany has come back and be the first exporter of industrial goods in the world, France has embarked on an ambitious research plan and technological innovation, Britain confirmed its leadership in the world capital market and financial education, and Spain is beyond us for dynamism and capacity to the system and the Scandinavian countries offer, unique to a model where welfare and technological innovation , high taxes and high investment, coexist and Positive power supply. The five-year term draws to a close have the lowest average growth of Italian GDP in the entire history of the legislatures of this Republic, and the trade deficit in 2005 as compared with negative calls and size as the heaviest of the 80 . The downward trend in general does not mean that all sectors are in crisis and affected to the same extent. Between 2000 and 2005, furniture production dropped by 8, 2%, transportation 22%, electrical appliances and precision 29%, rubber and plastics 10%, skin and 33% footwear, textiles and clothing 19%. While food companies have grown 6%, 9% of the refineries, the release of 5% and 11% of electricity production. This also explains why the last annual review of Mediobanca on the largest Italian companies photographers increased sales and profits: our largest companies - except for Fiat - are located in areas of highest growth and profitability (energy, chemicals, mobile phones and steel production, as well as finance and banking) sectors partly shielded from competition internazionale.I data on employment and income do not give those differing elements. The government has tried in every way - several times - to present an image of the country where employment growth and unemployment rate decreased. Without asking the question of how was this possible without growth, industrial production and income. We demand that there are the post, and thanks also to the office of the Bank of Italy study, the IRES has found the answer. The resident population in Italy has risen in the last five years from 56,000,000 to 58,200,000 inhabitants. Employed in the same period increased from 21,380,000 to 22,540,000. This is due to the regularization of immigrant labor, already present and already working, but without a public identity and relevant statistics. For these comparisons more consistent between the third quarter of 2002 and the third quarter of 2005 instead lead to a reduction di 177.000 unità lavorative, come viene confermato dal fatto che proprio alla fine del 2005 il tasso di attività del paese si abbassa al di sotto del 62%, per l’effetto anche dello scoraggiamento che porta a cancellare dalle liste di collocamento le persone in cerca di lavoro. Nel Sud, dove il fenomeno di regolarizzazione degli immigrati è stato quasi irrilevante e lo scoraggiamento più forte, nello stesso periodo abbiamo 40.000 persone in meno occupate. E’ il nostro Mezzogiorno, insieme con le aree a più veloce deindustrializzazione del centro Italia, a pagare i prezzi più alti di questa situazione. Tutti gli indici, di occupazione, di reddito, di consumo, di povertà, di abbandono scolastico, confermano che si è arrested that spring, the season of growth and economic recovery of our cities and regions. It started to become more and more constant over time, the processes of internal migration: the many young graduates who leave with the hope of finding a job, who can not find where their families live. Here is the bulk of the identity of a country that finds itself more divided and relatively poor: the division that covers all generations, income, territories, work. With low-income seniors, it is the young of the South who have paid more sbagliate.Il redistributive economic policies and our Prime Minister, as we know, does not share this opinion. He actually thinks that the country is way ahead of what the figures represent and always wears such as the number of mobile phones owned by Italians. In addition, he said that "Italy in Europe no longer sit on the bench." Some of us have tried to do a ranking of any European league. Increased productivity: Italy last; growth of spending on R: Italy last; gross domestic product last; global competitiveness: last, aid to cooperation: last, high-tech exports: antepenultimate; economic creativity: antepenultimate; graduates: third from last, links to Internet: fourth last. And we're still early in pollution, first in the cost of energy, first for government debt, according to youth unemployment and long-term, again first for the risks of poverty among the first in the number of deaths and accidents at work. In Davos, a leading exponent of the financial world has said that Italy had lost all opportunities has been important only for the food and football. And as we know in the ranking of the World Economic Forum are at the forty-fourth place after the whole of Europe, Chile, Malaysia, South Korea, Jordan, Colombia, Brazil. The Economist tells us that the forecast for growth in Italy is all quintultima paesi.In honestly do not think this sia la vera condizione del paese, e che l’Italia stia un po’ meglio di come i numeri la raccontino, ma siamo e continuiamo a restare su un piano inclinato e questi cinque anni sono stati anni persi e hanno aggravato la nostra condizione. Ma non c’è solo questo. Il paese attraversa ancora la sua lunghissima, infinita, transizione istituzionale e ogni provvedimento, in questo senso preso, ha peggiorato la situazione. La revisione costituzionale operata dalla maggioranza parlamentare rappresenta per noi il coronamento di un processo negativo che finisce per svuotare di senso i principi contenuti nella prima parte della Costituzione; rende diseguali i cittadini nel diritto comune all’istruzione, alla salute, alla sicurezza, e altera in maniera not acceptable to defend the balance between the prerogatives of Parliament, those of the head of government, and those of the head of state. We are honored to have contributed - along with President Scalfaro - the collection of signatures demanding a referendum following the procedures in the field of constitutional review, I reaffirm here - in this solemn place for us - in front of all the CGIL will work - as knows when he wants to do - because the people reject the text of the new Constitution. It 'just that come and go, this lack of certainty, to create a permanent institutional confusion: confusion and conflicts that this government has increased, centralizing decisions and bear the costs and burdens on regions and local autonomies, and working on skills and materials competitors, so it does not take into account the views of local institutions that after the revision of Title V together make up the state, our Republic. The regions, municipalities, provinces have always found a partner in the CGIL attentive to their requests and their reasons. Together we have tried to modify addresses economic policy choices, together we have criticized the budget laws, in many cities, mayors have marched in demonstrations of CGIL, CISL and UIL. We saw them with us in Rome, Naples, Bologna, Florence, Genoa, Turin. What has kept us together is not only the common rejection objected to the selection of reducing transfers to the investment and social spending, but something more. Local institutions and trade unions representing service networks and social networks to provide basic security to the citizens, workers and pensioners, to address areas of need and difficult conditions. Often represented, along with Church organizations, places and routes of solidarity for the many who feel alone and remain abandoned. The condition of instability across the world of work, the elderly and the Italian company. The stability of the work - which can never be a lack thereof - is for many a goal difficult. The recurrent crisis in corporate employment and social identities erased, in the areas of public employment, education, research, University of bags increased job insecurity and at the end, and the combination of downsizing and cuts in investment services and remove it lowers the quality. The same social mobility, the vertical, is now stagnated. This not only generates a very strong and further discrimination - of which we speak - to women, the most affected by this. But a crystallization of social hierarchies in assets and those of knowledge. Draw a plan of where companies have assets has more than having talent and ability to make money through money rather than do it with investment and risk capital to be cunning or crafty than being honest and transparent tax evasion and taking all the amnesties that pay more and do their duty tax. Here I see all the regressive nature, culturally, and a little 'from ancien regime, (I had thought to remove this reference, but if I think the appointments that the Minister Tremonti wants to do for the Bank of the South, all right ancien regime) of the decision cancel the payment of tax on transfers from the great hereditary wealth and large estates, the logic of amnesties repeated year after year, not wanting to standardize the rates between different forms of savings and financial investment. Here I see the principle dell'affievolimento of public ethics, civic spirit, dell’etica di una responsabilità condivisa. Qui onestamente vedo la causa e l’effetto più duro da rimuovere se si vuole evitare il declino del paese. E’ sulla base di questo che nelle tesi congressuali abbiamo scritto che l’Italia è giunta ad un bivio, e che se non si opera un profondo cambiamento di volontà, indirizzi, scelte, strumenti e priorità il bel paese è destinato - come spesso è capitato nella sua storia bimillenaria – a restare indietro e dividersi.Il lavoro e la via alta allo sviluppo Il bilancio di questi cinque anni ci dice onestamente che il disegno di far ripartire il paese con la riduzione delle tasse e i premi fiscali verso patrimoni e rendite, e con la riduzione dei diritti del lavoro è failed, failed as the decision to cancel the social dialogue, the comparison with their counterparts, the respect for the collective function of social representation. More individual, more wealth, more free market rules are not the solution to the problems of the country, but perhaps one of the deepest parts of its crisis. For this redesign the country means starting afresh the centrality of work and its quality, determine the conditions for a high road to development based on innovation, research, knowledge and technology transfer. It means a different choice and public responsibility in guiding missions productive welfare qualify as a growth factor; defend the common good, to link hard and soft infrastructure, clean up and defend really - other than environmental delegation! - The territory, have a modern energy policy that reduces our dependence on foreign. We ultimately want an ambitious, capable of shifting investments and resources from the private and public pension to productive uses, with a modern power of choice, targeting and governance system. With a particular focus on the South and the solution to its problems. We need an industrial policy that will stop supporting investments or extensive process, which focuses on classifying and product innovation in both sectors traditional than in the more rapid development. Policies that defend identity, traceability of our products and brands that will help the growth and integration between small and medium enterprises, and supports the distribution networks and trade in Italy and worldwide. We want efficient infrastructure, from transport needs - including high capacity - where today we discount the delays and problems more acute. The railways are left to themselves, without investment, without intermodal relations and security concerns growing, the air transport - from the situation of Alitalia - has long been in the storm, without any planning for the airport system and competition; roads and highways no longer hold the growth in traffic and lack of investment. The same port system - the most positive surprise of the new centrality of the Mediterranean world trade - is left to itself. The port of Gioia Tauro, with no ground connections and active defense against the attempts of organized crime, he runs the risk of not bringing any benefit to the country and the South. In recent years in transport, energy and telecommunications executive has let things go on their own - as opposed to what other countries are doing - demonstrating here for the whole inability to operate a government acceptable complex systems. When he tried to do so - for example in the case of objective law - the damage has far exceeded the benefits, not to mention the agreements with Russia on the supply of natural gas. The same openness to competition in the service sectors to industrial characteristics did not determine the advantages and opportunities that had been imagined. In many cases it was only replaced a public monopoly to private. In other competition does not work, or is only downward quality standards, prices for the consumer and universal service. In banking and insurance sector, the country has come to suffer from inadequate policies and choices. Was wrong the Bank of Italy - and I say-without any special elements of controversy in recent years to redress the balance of the system at the expense of an accelerated integration dimensional, so not to defend either the Italian banks, nor their role in European and international scene, or market transparency and fairness of many of its actors. Even in the insurance sector the principle of competition and quality has left too often been replaced by the logic of signs that penalize consumers and drive up costs for people. The same law on savings, approved by irresponsible delay, not responding to the problems of functioning of our financial market. Does not intervene in conflict interest in the activities of banks or brokers with the lever of regulation, nor that of the competition, do not deal with the core of the ownership structure of Italian banks and stock, is intended to become a node or the brake lever or the paths that are regrouping building and which concern not only the four banks we are talking about, but the same Mediobanca and Generali, and then the heart of Italian financial power. Not to mention the largest industrial groups, such as Telecom and Fiat. The same plots between banks and enterprises pose, in fact, problems. If the total value of bank holdings of our non-financial corporations has remained below the maximum limits prescribed by the regulations, sta invece aumentando il peso, anche qualitativo, assunto da molti gruppi bancari nella struttura proprietaria delle nostre imprese. Oggi, almeno sette dei primi dieci gruppi bancari italiani hanno tra i propri azionisti di riferimento uno o più gruppi industriali; e in almeno cinque casi su sette gli azionisti industriali denunciano posizioni di forte indebitamento rispetto al gruppo bancario partecipato. Come è evidente tutto questo è destinato a rendere opachi le scelte e i mercati. Per questo – e lo dico con rispetto e conscio dei problemi – penso che Confindustria e ABI debbano affrontare il problema, oltre all’Osservatorio comune che hanno: studiare nuove regole per una governance più trasparente. E qui sì forse proporsi meno cross-control agreements - those union - where you own with a little of everything and where contestability and thus avoid unwanted climbing. In tourism, the country needs to rethink about their strategy. In a few years, a country like ours, full of extraordinary beauty and cultural fields, was able to move back and losing positions. High prices, poor quality, no political system and integrated promotion. Regionalism here has the worst of themselves, as if in today's world it was important to promote only one part of the country, and not everything, not the set. Even worse is the way our food industry: Parmalat, Cirio, many of our brands finished in the hands of multinational supply chains sugar and tobacco in trouble and defended it with his teeth, and a country unprepared for the competition which will open in the Mediterranean. As for the distribution and logistics - that are irrelevant to the modern production system - it seems that nobody cares, except for some cooperation. The research, saperiPer all these reasons, redesign the country is absolutely critical to focus on developing research, innovation and training. Here there is not only the responsibility of this government. For at least fifteen years in investment research firm, or even in decline, the objectives of the Pact in 1993 have not been achieved liability of both public and private funding. The country remains weak in basic research and applied, and only partially present at the frontier of research in the future: biotechnology, nanotechnology, optical technologies, new sources energetiche.Il President Ciampi, who signed with us the 'agreement of 1993, does not lose right to insist on this important occasion, and rightly so, because mathematical models confirm the close relationship between research and investment in GDP growth. What we do today is intended to weigh in the next ten anni.Devo also say that this is the most complex to solve, as evidenced by the failure of Lisbon objectives in the field europeo.Qui just are not enough incentives or increased government investment. It takes a catalyst for projects, integrated plans between companies and universities, between communities and research institutions, need to be changed together companies, universities, research centers. It should separate the short-term investment, which is typical of applied research, from long-term, its basic research. Must be guaranteed autonomy and freedom to the researcher. Should be given greater responsibility and confidence in your ability to control and apply effects research. We must reward talent, train them, do they go abroad, have consolidated and real points of excellence. And there are those who defend. The same qualities must be brought to the training system. Delete the reforms of the Minister Moratti does not mean return to the previous model, but a new redesign, looking forward and taking as reference values \u200b\u200bthose of our founding Charter costituzionale.Noi want the compulsory school attendance is reported at 16 years and can reach 18 during the term, with all the implications that this choice entails. This is not an easy target, and there is a strong argument that we are moving in the name of the condition of those guys who leave school or are rejected. But without a strong signal, an address explicit and consistent, the country will always have less than one third of graduates in other countries europei e andrà indietro per qualità dell’offerta formativa. Insieme, va ricostruito un forte sistema di formazione professionale, come raccordo fra scuola e lavoro, fra lavoro e lavoro, in grado di fare crescere competenze e forme rinnovate di conoscenza. E vanno triplicati i numeri dei nostri laureati, intervenendo sugli assetti organizzativi dei percorsi universitari, superando modalità che non hanno funzionato e adeguando finanziamenti e principi di valutazione. La scuola, la formazione professionale, l’università, la ricerca costituiscono il cuore della nostra scommessa riformatrice. Qui si vince o si perde il progetto dell’Italia che vogliamo. Il patto fiscale Proprio l’altezza di questa sfida dà forza, senso and focus to demand that we move to a new fiscal covenant. In this chapter, we will define a lot of goals. Resourcing - in a situation of fiscal responsibility back hard for the government and the prospect of rising interest rates - for investment, education, welfare, restore tax justice in the name of the principle that those who have more, more pay, that there must be no more amnesties, we have to fight tax evasion, the balance between tax revenues, assets and earnings, return the fiscal drag and also support tax retirement income, taxation make a contribution on low wages . A fiscal pact of this nature becomes a new deal for citizenship, a renewed basis for social cohesion and public ethics. On this ground - if CISL and UIL would agree, I believe - together we will take the first step: asking the government to come out from the election, if he has these goals in its commitments to the program, a comparison in this direction, and the availability to negotiate, and to define - if there are conditions - a term agreement. For us, this means that there will be two stages - first the reform and then the rest - and that the government will have to explicitly support this way of retirement income and those of employees. A new fiscal pact sostiene anche un’idea di stato sociale inclusivo, efficiente e di qualità. In questi anni, indipendentemente dal livello della spesa pubblica, il sistema di welfare è stato impoverito e dequalificato; non ha contrastato precarietà e insicurezza; non ha rappresentato leva di sviluppo e di qualità; ha lasciato ai margini l’infanzia e una parte della popolazione anziana, non ha ridotto l’area della precarietà, soprattutto nel Mezzogiorno. Quello per cui ci siamo battuti, insieme con i sindacati dei pensionati e le associazioni del terzo settore, è un welfare improntato ad un’idea di Stato laico, che sappia valorizzare le differenze e rispettare la libertà di ognuno, senza pretesa di definire modelli morali and enforce ethical standards of evaluation and behavior. The central role of the public system must be addressed - even for this - not just in the planning and definition of rules and quality standards, but in the same management services, from health and education. Is increasingly part of an inclusive welfare policies along with the young - today excluded from any access to the system of social protection - and those active aging of older people, the theme of the house, which is increasingly more needs and requirements widespread: even the young, the elderly, immigrants, workers on the move. Here we do not want illusions, greenhouse plans, proposed last hours to rip a few votes for more from people who really need it. In five years the government had a duty to do. Not today has the right to promise more. There has not convinced and convinces the intervention carried out by the government on social security. When a transaction is unjust between age groups, rigid in the way of choice to raise the age of entry into retirement, and that has left unresolved the problems that the Dini reform was not completed. Thus we find ourselves today, no solution for workers and workers with discontinuous employment and low income, appreciation in the value of pensions which are covered by the proposals made by our union retirees, and the late measures support and incentives for joining the supplementary pension fund. The income support has been canceled, the funds for non - self left at the edge of parliamentary work, the bottom half of the regions. E communes called upon to choose whether to cut investment - to make ends meet - or reduce services, with the poorest municipalities have to do with one other choice. Not to mention the social safety nets, their reform and protections from work. Just in these years of crisis industrial production and processing of relocation and retraining, the country would need more extensive and intelligent instruments and policy connection between welfare and labor market. Instead, we had few resources, no reform and the absence of an integration of this nature. All this has come to divide workers, companies, sectors and territories. Some people have it made to have some protection and some nothing like the myriad of invisible people and industries work, subcontracting, small and micro businesses. These days we are still waiting for answers for the employees of electronics, chemicals, textiles, clothing, and regions such as Sardinia, Abruzzo, Campania. Not to mention the Fiat. Today does not make sense that there is talk of layoffs, but I speak with the force required to Fiat e al Ministro Maroni.Anche in ragione di questi comportamenti, il mondo del lavoro è stato oggetto di processi di frantumazione e di divisione, indotti da scelte di imprese, da un’idea di competizione basata sulla riduzione di costi e diritti, dal tentativo di contrapporre le diverse forme e tipologie del lavoro, giocando al ribasso fra persone e fra diverse condizioni lavorative. Con la scelta di intervenire sull’articolo 18 dello statuto dei lavoratori, il governo ha fornito, d’accordo con la Confindustria di Parma, il fondamento ideologico e l’attacco che doveva essere risolutivo. Le cose, come sappiamo, hanno preso un’altra piega. La resistenza della Cgil, e dei lavoratori, lo schierarsi della maggioranza dell’opinione public side of those who fought for the dignity of workers and their rights have stopped drawing and reinvigorated for new prospects for reform. It is, today, then, to go beyond the law of 30, reversing the philosophy will delete all the rules of precarious employment, promote the deconstruction of the company and undermine collective bargaining. We must go back to the open-ended contract the normal form of work, limiting other forms of the plea agreement and qualifying entry forms to work with qualified staff and training. No longer have to have different costs and lower for flexible working patterns, we must check e ridurre le esternalizzazioni nei settori pubblici; andranno contrattati piani di stabilizzazione per i precari di lunga durata. Per i lavoratori migranti andrà stabilita l’istituzione di un permesso di soggiorno per ricerca di lavoro, e questo, se gestito correttamente anche con accordi bilaterali con i paesi d’origine, limiterà clandestinità forzata e lavoro nero, e farà venire meno ogni pretesto da cui sono nati i centri di permanenza temporanea. Infine, vanno rimosse le norme, e in particolare l’articolo 14 del decreto legislativo 276 del 2003. L’integrazione nel mondo del lavoro delle persone con disabilità è un segno distintivo della qualità della vita sociale, civile e della cultura di un paese. Integrare work with disabled people in precarious forms of employment relationship is a choice that takes us beyond reason and out of the respect due to persons. This is - in the most succinct as possible - the sign and the direction of our project for the country. A different politicaPer long time, every time institutional, these ideas and arguments have been proposed to the government, at every Budget, each incontro.Il center-right government has dropped any desire for dialogue, discussion, response. Despite the work of some members of government, including Undersecretary read that we are honored to be here today, our guest. Towards us, towards CISL and UIL - the aftermath the signing of the Pact for Italy - and as I said to the complex of local and regional. Agreements with Confindustria and other associations in the South, infrastructure, training, fiscal policies have remained a dead letter. The government has not even felt a duty to respond to the education required to meet, even to say NO. For this reason, and that the Government has the responsibility for the situation in the country, today this proposal was first advanced to the center, the deployment of the Union, on the eve of legislative elections. Almost a year ago, the twelve confederal secretary sent a letter to Romano Prodi expressing worry per la situazione del paese e chiedendo un programma di radicale cambiamento. Qualcuno polemizzò con questa scelta, senza capire che era il modo più trasparente e rispettoso da parte di un sindacato di rivolgersi ad uno schieramento politico, senza confusione di ruoli e di responsabilità. Tanto è vero che nel passato lo facemmo nello stesso modo insieme, come Cgil, Cisl e Uil. Oggi che il programma dell’Unione è stato varato, la Cgil può dire di trovarvi una risposta positiva a quella lettera. Di scoprirvi una valutazione dello stato del paese comune, una volontà di cambiare rapidamente, per non rassegnarsi al declino; una disponibilità ad un rapporto positivo con le organizzazioni sindacali. Non tocca a questa relazione, né Congress, to say what is good and what is missing in this program. We compete fairly again - even in the face of promises freedom that they feel every day in which Mr Berlusconi is a master - that the country needs real change, and that weighs on a great responsibility, that rhetoric can not define history: that of democratic consensus to prevail in the need for this change, and in this case with seriousness and rigor to ensure the work of rebuilding. From our point of view, we know that the country will not be re easy task, nor short-lived and that requires unity, persistence, determination and courage. Not a Policy one hundred days, but three thousand. And a lot of passion Civil much social sensitivity towards those who are worse off and just do not make it: and so much freedom and respect for those who take risks, investments, talent, ability and wants to do. Is to combine what has been divided. Reweave networks of solidarity and cohesion, giving quality, efficiency and impartiality in the administrative machinery, really fight organized crime, which in recent years has raised its head. Respect the judiciary, its independence and its independence, the laws of the State, the pluralism of information and culture, take a step back in the relationship between institutions and economic interests, to strengthen and authoritative autorità di vigilanza e di controllo, regolamentare per intero i conflitti di interesse. Fare che la politica ritorni ad essere una funzione di servizio verso i cittadini. E ricordarsi che la libertà di tutti è garantita solo in uno Stato pienamente laico. Se questo avverrà, per la Cgil sarà un motivo di grande soddisfazione. Perché vorrà dire che l’impegno, l’abnegazione, la lotta di tanti sarà servita per un nobile e alto progetto di cambiamento civile e morale. Per questo qui voglio esprimere l’affetto e l’ammirazione, a nome di tutto il Congresso, al nostro segretario della Camera del Lavoro di Corleone, Dino Paternostro, minacciato ma non intimidito dalla mafia: ultimo di una serie lunga di atti committed against persons and offices of the CGIL, which have not spared, as in Comiso, civil courage of our young compagne.Il wages, contracts globally, dear comrades, it was not easy for the union in recent years to fight for the job, income, the condition of workers, the situation of the elderly. And it is clear that there is a big social problem created by the requirement of income of workers and retirees. There is difficulty, discomfort, real sick. Some have reduced their consumption, some savings. Where there is only one income, it gets harder. Where there is insecurity and the money coming in do not exceed 600, € 700 you pull the belt and ugly. Not to mention the pensioners to a minimum and still waiting for the promises that were made. Conversely someone has been enriched in recent years: those who have been able to focus - in business and professions - the prices of their services freely, and he who has wealth and income to rely, and who escapes or evades taxes. Here we have one of the biggest responsibilities of this government have not occupied - as it should - the condition of the first and that he worried over the plight of others. In the absence of a policy that helps the earnings as well as to control prices, prices, costs of goods and public services, has fallen to bargain with the task of defending purchasing power and value of wages. The budget for these years is mixed. With strength and determination, and with a high number of protests and strikes, CGIL, CISL and UIL have failed to complete - albeit with a delay at times heavy - all renewals of collective bargaining. With the signing of Local Authorities and the renewal of the metalworkers, the union has demonstrated even in difficult conditions to defend the institution of the national contract. And this will help open renewals: the chemical, oil, energy, construction, laborers, fabrics and contracts considered wrong to minors. Shadows cover the quality that was lacking on many occasions, the stagnation of assets degli inquadramenti professionali e gli addensamenti in basso che si sono ampliati. Sul terreno del recupero dell’inflazione, qualche contratto è andato oltre, qualche altro è rimasto in linea. I ritardi dei rinnovi nei settori privati hanno ridotto le capienze totali degli aumenti retributivi e laddove i riferimenti hanno preso la strada dell’inflazione attesa, i risultati sono stati migliori. Anche la contrattazione di secondo livello è stata spesso difensiva e l’intervento sulla condizione di lavoro e la quantità delle prestazioni insufficiente. Qui naturalmente hanno pesato le crisi produttive, le riorganizzazioni, le esternalizzazioni, il modesto tasso di crescita e l’ampliarsi della precarietà e la situazione particolare many areas, such as local public transport. Reassemble the work and the rights we have in any case, the duty not to escape from a careful examination of the difficulties of those old and new, derived from models of organizing production of goods and services, the shattering of the places of production, work and the labor market. When we have for any company with up to ten types of work, when a good or service is obtained through supply chains, with four, five or six different contracts of employment, even in the case of sensitive sectors, such as care or assistance of persons when for skilled jobs - such as nurses - to return to the corporal, when foreign workers e le donne vengono per lo più confinati nei lavori più pesanti, o solo in quelli meno retribuiti o precari; quando la distribuzione del tempo di lavoro ci dice che c’è chi lavora cinque giorni in un anno, chi trenta, chi tre mesi, chi sei e poi magari altri tre o altri sei; quando ci sono persone che lavorano quindici, sedici, diciotto ore settimanali, magari divise giornalmente in due o tre aree (come, ma non solo, nel commercio o nelle imprese di pulizia) con una rigidità e pervasività del tempo di lavoro che occupa tutto di sé; quando non ce la facciamo a tenere logicamente assieme il valore di un lavoro semplice– come definito dai contratti – e i lunghissimi tempi dei mesi di apprendistato per raggiungere status: we must talk about us, what we can not only download to another law or other responsibilities. We need to speak honestly of our limitations, as we discuss, how we work with the RSU or delegates of how we experience occurs, results, progress, or setbacks, of how we come back to the good condition of the concrete work. And tell us all categories and confederations. Also for this reason we fought against the Bolkestein Directive, not to stop a process of integration in services. But to avoid putting workers compete against workers, the rules of one country against another country's rules, contracts against contracts, knowing that then would be over Hence the real game: Download all over the weak, while strong, were excluded. More integration of markets is necessary, but you need rules and uniform standards, and for this European collective agreements. Not acts of cunning and Division of lavoro.Il European Parliament has taken a step forward: it has eliminated the principle of country of origin, ruled out the labor law and recognized the role of collective agreements; reaffirmed the exclusion of employment agencies, services of general interest, and safeguarded the directive on posting of workers. Other parties, however, remained ambiguous and inconsistent with the changes, what happens to the waste water, to l’istruzione privata e la formazione professionale, per la sanità privata? Per questo bisognerà insistere per migliorare il testo della Direttiva, anche per ridurre le interpretazioni che potrebbero portare a una lunghissima serie di controversie di carattere giudiziario. Noi condividiamo il giudizio della CES. Spesso abbiamo avuto accenti critici verso la CES, ma in questo caso si è mossa bene: e questo dimostra che se il sindacato europeo sta in campo con forza, i risultati possono arrivare; e che quindi l’Europa ha bisogno di un forte e vero sindacato europeo. Il Congresso di Siviglia nella primavera dell’anno prossimo può e deve per la Cgil rafforzare la dimensione sindacale della CES. Una CES più forte è anche la condizione because it has more force that process of unification, decided the world. In the autumn of this year will create an international syndicate bigger and we hope more and stronger because of this we have - every day - more bisogno.La reform contracts in recent months by Confindustria has often placed the 'emphasis on the need to adjust the contractual arrangements and the system of 23 July. Some scholars have questioned the role and function of the national contract, up to now envisage a minimum wage law and bargaining based on differences of territory, gender, age. Others propose to use the principle of business exceptions. Even the President of CNEL wanted to tell her, and while the proposed CNEL as the comparison, has already expressed his opinion immediately critical of the national contract. We respect all opinions and proposals, especially when they are in good faith, and are formulated with arguments and with the necessary respect. We do not consider either the enemy or opponent (God forbid) who have opinions different from ours. The dialogue, confrontation, freedom of opinion and criticism are the salt of democracy. But this does not change the CGIL idea. For us, the national contract is still the most modern and effective to adjust the rules, rights and duties of the employment relationship on the whole national territory and for participate in the defense and increase uniformly in the purchasing power of wages. Without this, the average wage is inevitably destined to fall. For us the system of contractual rules should be uniform for all public and private sectors. For us the national level of bargaining can not be put as an alternative to the expertise of decentralized bargaining, choosing the more important and fundamental in the face of changes in work organization within the confines of the company, and the condition of workers. On this - it must be said honestly - we have differences with the positions of Confindustria. We are not convinced that the document sent us Confindustria, for good reason. The national agreement - which is also confirmed - as is so incomplete and reductive. And where it asks for stronger, you do to overcome prerogatives and responsibilities - such as on working hours - that is, to a part of their business representatives. In terms of labor disputes, Confindustria proposes measures that restrict unilateral action, and calls for mandatory arbitration flies - and it hurts-the responsibilities that companies have to determine. Finally, it insists on policies of reducing the tax wedge and contributions, and tax relief for the South. On this, the comparison is still likely to be mutually beneficial, provided that you have - and each other - the sense of measure of benefit that would fall on businesses and those that should apply to workers. Just this leads me to make a basic observation. With the new Confederation, to which we have recognized the different attitude towards us, we have now worked together on many subjects and other indicators: the migrants, training, tax concessions, the South and infrastructure. But almost everything has remained stationary, blocked by the question of the contractual model. I do not think this is all for the best way to address issues of common interest. If there is genuine interest on these issues, the comparison and the work must go on, without being influenced by those issues on which today there is still no agreement. If not, and I say this in a constructive spirit, the logic of all or nothing, here we are nothing and we end up giving reason to the many - not all in good faith - that they ask us to do and not only to criticize and to ask others. Why, for example, we are stuck for nearly eight years on how to reduce the number of employment contracts? Why can not we - now - decide to form a study committee with the task of instructing the subjects to offer at least an outline of the possible solutions? Of course, as we know, there are also differences between the positions of the CGIL, CISL and UIL. Those that did not allow to get to a unified agreement on the committees work. The first is the crux of productivity and implies a partial idea of \u200b\u200bthe uneven relationship and mutual weight between the two levels of bargaining. The second concerns the difficulty in reaching an agreement between the confederations on how to validate and mandate for platforms and agreements. The third: the difference in opinion on the need - the CGIL-calls to extend the law to the private sector with an actual inspection of the representativeness of each of the lines as required by the public, also provides criteria and procedures for rating on workers agreements. As always happens in the presence of different opinions, the distances can be reduced or expand according to the will and the availability of the respective points of view. Taken in itself - even after the joint work done - the positions do not appear to be mediated easily. It is different if you evaluate the actual conduct, the agreement reached by public unions, the conclusion of the metalworkers' contract, which also offers some innovative solution, the referendum made between workers in the sector, the demands of a unified all renewals. And everything on the law might be easier if you first reach a labor agreement and is expected along with the fact that a law had been uniformly required by CGIL, CISL and UIL of Parliament passed in the legislature. However, it is this set of nodes that has made possible - until now - a mediation unit and therefore the possibility of opening a comparison with their counterparts. All private and public counterparts, which have signed the Agreement of 23 July. And not just with one of them. You really do not see shortcuts. Treat without merit shared by CGIL, CISL and UIL does not make sense. Exposes the union to the risk of separate agreements or the failure of the comparison, it deprives workers to share a proposal to reform and to discuss and approve it or not. You should be patient and pick up the thread of the research unit. Count on the drive that has taken place in many categories. How did we get to learn from the signing of the agreement, even experimental, in the field of craftsmen, not to copy the solutions - which were already different before - but to the extent that each has had in managing the different points of view in the union and between the counterparties. It would also be important that all of us to reflect on the strength that we all received from the large turnout for municipal solid waste in the public and in schools, the higher response to attempts to discredit the areas held by the government against union representation and its function collective bargaining. And as the social and territorial bargaining, carried out in many cities and territories can give and seek new answers to development policies and those of cohesion. Here you can really start experimenting from below, can give meaning to democratic participation and results, and perhaps open a new ground of presence and agreements. All that we want to do with the agreement of all. In respect of friends and comrades of CISL and UIL have advanced the thesis the aim of strengthening the common identity and the work unit. Together we represent the largest union of Europe and a large force of social representation. When the exercise really, our proposal counts, weighs, directs. We passed again over the past four years in a difficult phase, and how many times we were able to restart the work and commitment common. We are, every man for himself, proud of our identity and convinced that the Italian trade union is strong and growing, why did so many cultures, attitudes and experiences. Why indeed general union, confederate, not corporate and non-unionist. It's up to each of us try to take a step forward. The condition of the country requires a trade union united, independent, plural, democratic. We are ready to work in this perspective. And always seek attention and respect to those unions - including the UGL - who have loyally worked with CGIL, CISL and UIL. A Savino Pezzotta to say that even in the toughest division and controversy, those three years ago, never came less than the CGIL and the consideration for the autonomy of its decisions and those of its confederation. And the same goes for Luigi Angeletti, and all her friends and comrades of the UIL. The CgilRiprogettare the country requires that the CGIL has the strength to look within himself and re-engineer itself, its organization, its settlements, its modus operandi. In recent years the weight and strength of the initiative outside of the CGIL, have overshadowed the necessary examination of the inner life and the changes to be made. Much has been made, in every case. Over 200,000 members in more than four years, 260,000 in five years, for the most active workers, many immigrants become delegates and leaders of our facilities. We have worked to make stronger the SPI, the Auser and territorial networks of the elderly. Nidil has grown in many categories and the new membership and covered young women. We have enhanced the supply of our services and patronage, made to grow high-quality training and excellence. IRES, the ISF, the Foundation Di Vittorio, each in his field, have become reliable references in the field of research, study, training policies, analysis of economic, social, legal and historical. With this Congress we have created two new federations: the workers' knowledge, the FLC, born of the encounter between review by the school, the research and academia, and above all a result of the large mobilizations of recent years. And FILCEM, the workers union of energy and chemistry, which has taken the place of two real institutions of our labor history, and the Filcea Fnle. Finally, we have demonstrated a great and reliable organizational capacity and mobilization and achieved results beyond expectations, in all renewals of the unions. This force shall enable us to better address the issues that we feel. We are still an organizational structure borrowed from the history of Fordism, and while confirming the two historical origins of the structures of class and the horizontal ones, we create forms of netting and synergies, capable of representing that world of work that do not meet, claiming the action and truly a central project in the area. It should not be changed the shape of the SPI, which is an original and successful form of general representation of pensioners and the elderly. But it should open a discussion on how the SPI can help and support more effectively the work of the structures in the knowledge firmly held by Betty Leone - in its report to Congress - that the pact does not cover only one generation company, but we and our inner life. We must decide here, the Congress, the prospect of integration between the Filtea, another great and historic union, now in the position of the border and FILCEM. In fairness we must admit that the presence of young people and the leadership of the CGIL is still too inadequate, as the migrants to become a true multi-ethnic union must do more and that the definition of the CGIL trade union as men and women applies to members and a bit 'less for executives, equipment, management teams. On these issues, then that always attract a check at the bottom of the destination and distribution of resources and new priorities that we have to jointly and severally, is just made for a conference organized to ensure that this time we can not delay and be prepared rigorously participation and clarity targets. This is our Fifteenth Congress Party with a setting and a choice of units. There were more measured in their relationship with members globally alternative motions, as had happened in the last three conferences. This is and remains a choice of great strength and maturity. I want to give credit to you all have contributed to this goal, especially for those who have given up in the future positions of advantage or convenience. The unanimous vote on the preamble of the document confirms that this conference is the view shared by our employees and our pensioners. The discussion was in any case a real debate, as is the custom of the CGIL, aided by the existence of alternative policy argument contractual and democracy. All services carried out - and I mean everyone - has been closed with papers unit. Only three conferences - large and important structures - there was a differentiation in the voting lists for the election of the Steering Committees. In all the conferences I attended in person I felt strong the sentiment unit: It is because of this that I think every effort should be done because even the National Congress to close in the sign of unity. Not out of obligation or convenience, but out of respect for the mandate that we asked and the way in which our members have spoken. It 's true that the shift from a traditional to a congressional today it has opened a debate inside our weight to be given to votes cast by each alternative view is on what this entails voting in pluralism in the definition of internal pluralism. But this debate - and the different points of view that are in the field, on which we continue to think - not to be changed, according to common sense, the logical conclusion of all the congressional process. It is understood that our conference is free and sovereign and will decide in full autonomy and responsibility. The year of the centenary Care companions and dear friends, 1 October in Milan will celebrate the centennial of the birth of the General Confederation of Labour. This is for all of us to an important occasion because it reminds l’ingresso nella storia del paese non del sindacato, che era già nato con le prime Camere del Lavoro e le più antiche federazioni di categoria (metalmeccanici, lavoratori della terra, tessili, grafici, panettieri, vetrai, edili), ma di quella particolare forma unitaria e generale di rappresentanza del lavoro. Quella che solo due anni prima era stata anticipata e richiesta dal primo sciopero generale. Il centenario è quindi l’occasione per riscrivere questa storia – che non è solo la nostra ma appartiene a tutti - per tirare fuori dagli archivi la memoria di persone e generazioni che con il loro impegno e la loro scelta di vita hanno contribuito al processo di emancipazione del lavoro, hanno dato senso a parole come diritti e dignity, the work they released from slavery, oppression, have increased participation and democracy, self-awareness and their own reasons. Have made us all a little 'more diverse, and a little' more equal, a little 'more meticci.In many conferences, many books, we reconstructed the most significant parts of this story, the union's most important achievements, struggles more epic, the defense made against a fascism that closed Chambers of Labour and hit civilians. We recalled the strikes of 1943 - 1945, unique in Europe, in a country at war and under foreign occupation, which led to the deportation of 12,000 workers, and leading to the first part and the first article of our Constitution. We reread the life and experience of the most important aspects of this history, and more remote in time, among which I remember the figure of Argentina Altobelli, secretary of farmers in a time when women were not allowed right to vote, those closest to, including itself deserves a seat at the figure of Giuseppe Di Vittorio, able to combine its efforts in the twenties union among its laborers of Cerignola with what led him to be with and Big Buozzi author of the Pact of Rome, the revival of the postwar United CGIL, and then after the division, First Secretary CGIL, in full of the cold war years. Many local histories, municipal, town and village, the oldest and most recent additions are in a race to find deep roots and suggestions are always the same: the stories of mine (in August marks the fiftieth anniversary of the deaths of Marcinelle) and those of rice fields, the factories and the factories, the first large factories, the epic of our martyrs in Sicily, before and after Portella della Ginestra, the migrations of the fifties and sixties, the Ford work, the season of the terrible massacres and terrorism . That terrorism that soon after our last Congress killed Professor Marco Biagi. All this to get to a simple conclusion, but true; questa storia non è la storia di una parte del paese, o una storia minore, ma costituisce – non da sola ovviamente – la nostra identità storica e la nostra comune democrazia. E’ la radice delle nostre libertà. Per questo, e lo dico rivolto alle forze politiche tutte, non bisogna rimuovere il valore del lavoro, la sua dignità, la sua centralità dalla vita pubblica e da quella politica del paese. E questo invito vale in particolare per le forze che sono legate al lavoro e nel lavoro affondano radici storiche e identità. Anche per questo valore, abbiamo tenuto in vita in questi anni una luce. Quella di cui parlava un compagno che ci ha lasciato, dopo avere con noi condiviso lotte, utopie, domande. Tom Benetollo parlava the lamps, who proceeded in the dark but lit up the road to those who came behind, and show the way, to say which way he was. That same light - that's a sad day in our recent history - we have seen in the eyes and hearts of girls and boys of Locri. At the conclusion of the conference document, we wrote that the project for the country aimed at young people, their future, to their legitimate expectations. A fortiori, the many and the many who do not resign, as the boys of Locri, is dedicated to our Congress XV.
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